FREEDOM of SPEECH?? DEMOCRATIC??
Thursday 28 February 2008
Election Commision Stooping Opposition from Speaking at Mass Media!!
Here is the formal letter from the Malaysian Election Commission (SPR) to TV stations to stop opposition from speaking to the public throguh mass media.
Tuesday 26 February 2008
The Conspiracy Behind May 13, 1969....
I believe most of you have heard of the May 13 incident, which is the Malaysian Riots of 1969.
However, have you really know the real story of this incident?
The official version of the 13th May 1969 riots puts the blame on the provocation by opposition parties after they had made significant gains in the 1969 general elections. However, there is little evidence to support this allegation.
The Alliance Racial Formula
The Alliance formula at Independence contained contradictions which exacerbated ethnic tensions right up to the general elections of 1969. The British colonial power had backed UMNO's demands for Malay "special privileges" while the anti-colonial nationalist movement was forced into a defensive position on Non-Malay's citizenship and cultural rights.
The post-colonial economy also provided the conditions for the rise of the state capitalist class which used Malay-centrism as its ideology to rally support among the Malay masses. During this period, social inequality was maintained and continued to be interpreted in communal terms.
The 1969 General Elections
The Malaysian 3rd General Election was held at the 13th of May 1969.
The opposition parties made an electoral pact not to split the votes even though they were at opposite ends of their respective communalist propaganda. The results of the 1969 General Elections shook the status quo, for it completely demolished the Alliance edifice that had stood unchallenged since Independence. UMNO lost 17 parliamentary seats mainly to Parti Islam, and won only 51; MCA won only 13 seats, conceding 20 to the opposition;
while MIC won only two out of the three allocated to the party.
At the state level, the results were even more surprising; Kelantan was again lost to Parti Islam; the Alliance was beaten in Penang and Perak; the seats were evenly distributed in the capital state of Selangor; while the Alliance managed only 13 out of 24 in Terengganu. The worst defeat was suffered by MCA, whose candidates won only in constituencies with a strong Malay representation.
There were certainly widespread discontent among the workers, farmers, middle classes as well as urban setters. The state's racially discriminatory policies only served to create further divisions among the people and the 1969 election result clearly reflected this growing polarisation.
Record of The Riots
The declassified documents from the Public Record Office and foreign correspondents' dispatches show that there was a plan in place to assemble young Malay hoodlums from all over Selangor at the residence of the Selangor's Menteri Besar's residence and that mischief was afoot. Once the rioting had started, the security forces did not keep order impartially but stood by while these hoodlums were allowed to burn and kill indiscriminately. Troops also fired indiscriminately into Chinese shop-houses and were partial in making arrest. Consequently, the casualties were preponderantly Chinese.
These documents also show that Razak was in complete control from the start of the riots and with emergency in place, had a free hand in planning the post-1969 political makeup with the backing of armed forces.
The worst racial rioting the country had ever experienced flared up in Kuala Lumpur on the evening of May 13, and within days, the official number of dead stood at 137, with more than 300 injured, hundreds of houses gutted and scores of vehicles burnt.
The actual figure of fatalities has been a matter of dispute but from the various sources garnered from the documents at the Public Record Office, London, we can see that the official statistics were grossly understated and the ethnic distribution of casualties disguised.
Foreign Assessments of The Regime Change
Documents declassified at the Public Record Office, London after the thirty-year secrecy rule also contain confidential memoranda written by the respective British High Commission officers in the West and East Malaysia, the British Cabinet Office, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as well as the Ministry of Overseas Development.
They contain information gathered in the course of diplomatic meetings; private intelligence gathering by embassy staff; reports by British embassy personnel in other capitals around the world, notably Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand, China, Australia, New Zealand; choices selections of media coverage of the Malaysian riots of 1969.
Through a study on these documents, we get to know not only the reality behind the strongly censored official version of the events but also how the Malaysian riots were perceived by the officials in different capitals around the world. Together they build up a picture of disapproval by regional and other foreign capitals of the racial discrimination and slaughter of ethnic Chinese in the May 1969 events. The Indonesian regime was the only exception; indeed, we learn from the records that General Suharto was the only foreign leader to have sent a congratulatory note to the new Malaysian regime over the May 1969 affair.
In the BHC in Kuala Lumpur, the suspension of the Sarawak state elections was regretted since it was clear that this was part of the plan by the new regime in Kuala Lumpur to gain control political development in East Malaysia. We look at further documents showing how the arms lobby in Britain and Australia tried to justify giving military equipment to a country ruled by emergency decree and practicing racial discrimination. In the end, British pragmatism dictated that supporting the dominant Malay ruling party in Malaysia would serve British interest better. Dissenting British volunteers in the Volunteer Service Organisation (VSO) were given a tongue lashing for their "ignorance of racial favouritism in any racially mixed community".
The Thai press could clearly see through the racially discriminatory policies of the Malaysian regime and they were sure that the rioters of May 1969 had acted with a purpose. The views of Premier Lee Kuan Yew are always note worthy. In the records, we find that he still had hopes that the Tunku would continue to play a father figure role in the new set-up, but Razak had gone down in his esteem by playing the role of "an evil genius". The Chinese government in Beijing was more cautious since they probably did not want to create more anti-Chinese feelings in the region after the events of 1965 in Indonesia.
The New Malay Ruling Class
It is clear that the riots of May 1969 had led to the ascendant of the state capitalist class which controlled the National Operations Council. It was also evident that the old aristocratic class under the Tunku had been eclipsed by the new Malay elite under the leadership of Razak.
This new Malay ruling class largely maintained the Alliance formula but enlarged it to incorporate more opposition parties. However, the predominance of UNMO within its larger coalition was unmistakable. The racial bloodbath and the state of emergency under military rule was intended to serve as a deterrent to any challenge to UMNO's dominance of the post-1969 Malaysian political landscape.
The climate of terror and repression allowed the new regime to introduce and implement discriminatory Malay-centric economic, educational and cultural policies. These policies have been crucial in winning over the Malay masses to support the new Malay ruling class. At the same time, these discriminatory policies have been instrumental in facilitating the accumulation of capital by the new Malay capitalist class.
Toward National Reconciliation
Nearly forty years after this regrettable May 13 incident in Malaysia, little effort has been made by the authorities to work towards national reconciliation. The National Operation Council did not hold any open inquiry into the incident and the causes of the post-election disturbances.
The Alliance government rejected as unfounded and malicious the accounts of foreign correspondents as to the nature of the bloodbath which occurred even though its own statistics by race on deaths and arrests support those accounts generally.
Since then, UMNO leaders have periodically used the May 13 incident as a threat to would-be dissidents who try to argue for civil rights and even to deter any attempts by voters to vote for the Opposition. We also have witnessed several episodes since 1969 where mobs orchestrated by UMNO have defied the law to harass and threaten Malaysians who question the denial of their civil rights. The connivance of the police and security forces was particularly suspect in the APCET II episode in 1996 and the Kampung Medan incident in 2001.
UMNO leaders have since insisted that Malaysians must agree not to discuss publicly "subjects already enshrined in the Constitution", and indicated that these forbidden subjects include race, religion, language and the status of the sultans and their families.
The UMNO general assembly in November 2006 has been no exception to a practice in these assemblies where veiled threats are issued and keris (Malay daggers) are unsheathed. In the assembly, a delegate even egged on the UMNO Youth leader (who happened to be also a government minister) by asking when he was going to use the unsheathed keris, a clear incitement to violence and murder.
However, have you really know the real story of this incident?
The official version of the 13th May 1969 riots puts the blame on the provocation by opposition parties after they had made significant gains in the 1969 general elections. However, there is little evidence to support this allegation.
The Alliance Racial Formula
The Alliance formula at Independence contained contradictions which exacerbated ethnic tensions right up to the general elections of 1969. The British colonial power had backed UMNO's demands for Malay "special privileges" while the anti-colonial nationalist movement was forced into a defensive position on Non-Malay's citizenship and cultural rights.
The post-colonial economy also provided the conditions for the rise of the state capitalist class which used Malay-centrism as its ideology to rally support among the Malay masses. During this period, social inequality was maintained and continued to be interpreted in communal terms.
The 1969 General Elections
The Malaysian 3rd General Election was held at the 13th of May 1969.
The opposition parties made an electoral pact not to split the votes even though they were at opposite ends of their respective communalist propaganda. The results of the 1969 General Elections shook the status quo, for it completely demolished the Alliance edifice that had stood unchallenged since Independence. UMNO lost 17 parliamentary seats mainly to Parti Islam, and won only 51; MCA won only 13 seats, conceding 20 to the opposition;
while MIC won only two out of the three allocated to the party.
At the state level, the results were even more surprising; Kelantan was again lost to Parti Islam; the Alliance was beaten in Penang and Perak; the seats were evenly distributed in the capital state of Selangor; while the Alliance managed only 13 out of 24 in Terengganu. The worst defeat was suffered by MCA, whose candidates won only in constituencies with a strong Malay representation.
There were certainly widespread discontent among the workers, farmers, middle classes as well as urban setters. The state's racially discriminatory policies only served to create further divisions among the people and the 1969 election result clearly reflected this growing polarisation.
Record of The Riots
The declassified documents from the Public Record Office and foreign correspondents' dispatches show that there was a plan in place to assemble young Malay hoodlums from all over Selangor at the residence of the Selangor's Menteri Besar's residence and that mischief was afoot. Once the rioting had started, the security forces did not keep order impartially but stood by while these hoodlums were allowed to burn and kill indiscriminately. Troops also fired indiscriminately into Chinese shop-houses and were partial in making arrest. Consequently, the casualties were preponderantly Chinese.
These documents also show that Razak was in complete control from the start of the riots and with emergency in place, had a free hand in planning the post-1969 political makeup with the backing of armed forces.
The worst racial rioting the country had ever experienced flared up in Kuala Lumpur on the evening of May 13, and within days, the official number of dead stood at 137, with more than 300 injured, hundreds of houses gutted and scores of vehicles burnt.
The actual figure of fatalities has been a matter of dispute but from the various sources garnered from the documents at the Public Record Office, London, we can see that the official statistics were grossly understated and the ethnic distribution of casualties disguised.
Foreign Assessments of The Regime Change
Documents declassified at the Public Record Office, London after the thirty-year secrecy rule also contain confidential memoranda written by the respective British High Commission officers in the West and East Malaysia, the British Cabinet Office, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as well as the Ministry of Overseas Development.
They contain information gathered in the course of diplomatic meetings; private intelligence gathering by embassy staff; reports by British embassy personnel in other capitals around the world, notably Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand, China, Australia, New Zealand; choices selections of media coverage of the Malaysian riots of 1969.
Through a study on these documents, we get to know not only the reality behind the strongly censored official version of the events but also how the Malaysian riots were perceived by the officials in different capitals around the world. Together they build up a picture of disapproval by regional and other foreign capitals of the racial discrimination and slaughter of ethnic Chinese in the May 1969 events. The Indonesian regime was the only exception; indeed, we learn from the records that General Suharto was the only foreign leader to have sent a congratulatory note to the new Malaysian regime over the May 1969 affair.
In the BHC in Kuala Lumpur, the suspension of the Sarawak state elections was regretted since it was clear that this was part of the plan by the new regime in Kuala Lumpur to gain control political development in East Malaysia. We look at further documents showing how the arms lobby in Britain and Australia tried to justify giving military equipment to a country ruled by emergency decree and practicing racial discrimination. In the end, British pragmatism dictated that supporting the dominant Malay ruling party in Malaysia would serve British interest better. Dissenting British volunteers in the Volunteer Service Organisation (VSO) were given a tongue lashing for their "ignorance of racial favouritism in any racially mixed community".
The Thai press could clearly see through the racially discriminatory policies of the Malaysian regime and they were sure that the rioters of May 1969 had acted with a purpose. The views of Premier Lee Kuan Yew are always note worthy. In the records, we find that he still had hopes that the Tunku would continue to play a father figure role in the new set-up, but Razak had gone down in his esteem by playing the role of "an evil genius". The Chinese government in Beijing was more cautious since they probably did not want to create more anti-Chinese feelings in the region after the events of 1965 in Indonesia.
The New Malay Ruling Class
It is clear that the riots of May 1969 had led to the ascendant of the state capitalist class which controlled the National Operations Council. It was also evident that the old aristocratic class under the Tunku had been eclipsed by the new Malay elite under the leadership of Razak.
This new Malay ruling class largely maintained the Alliance formula but enlarged it to incorporate more opposition parties. However, the predominance of UNMO within its larger coalition was unmistakable. The racial bloodbath and the state of emergency under military rule was intended to serve as a deterrent to any challenge to UMNO's dominance of the post-1969 Malaysian political landscape.
The climate of terror and repression allowed the new regime to introduce and implement discriminatory Malay-centric economic, educational and cultural policies. These policies have been crucial in winning over the Malay masses to support the new Malay ruling class. At the same time, these discriminatory policies have been instrumental in facilitating the accumulation of capital by the new Malay capitalist class.
Toward National Reconciliation
Nearly forty years after this regrettable May 13 incident in Malaysia, little effort has been made by the authorities to work towards national reconciliation. The National Operation Council did not hold any open inquiry into the incident and the causes of the post-election disturbances.
The Alliance government rejected as unfounded and malicious the accounts of foreign correspondents as to the nature of the bloodbath which occurred even though its own statistics by race on deaths and arrests support those accounts generally.
Since then, UMNO leaders have periodically used the May 13 incident as a threat to would-be dissidents who try to argue for civil rights and even to deter any attempts by voters to vote for the Opposition. We also have witnessed several episodes since 1969 where mobs orchestrated by UMNO have defied the law to harass and threaten Malaysians who question the denial of their civil rights. The connivance of the police and security forces was particularly suspect in the APCET II episode in 1996 and the Kampung Medan incident in 2001.
UMNO leaders have since insisted that Malaysians must agree not to discuss publicly "subjects already enshrined in the Constitution", and indicated that these forbidden subjects include race, religion, language and the status of the sultans and their families.
The UMNO general assembly in November 2006 has been no exception to a practice in these assemblies where veiled threats are issued and keris (Malay daggers) are unsheathed. In the assembly, a delegate even egged on the UMNO Youth leader (who happened to be also a government minister) by asking when he was going to use the unsheathed keris, a clear incitement to violence and murder.
MORE COMING SOON....
Friday 22 February 2008
Just Change - DAP 2008 Election Campaign Song
Please spread these videos around as they cannot make it into the main media. Thank you.
English Version
Just Change - DAP 2008 Election Campaign Song
中文版
改变 - 民主行动党全国大选竞选主题曲
Versi Bahasa Melayu
Berubah - Lagu Kempen Pilihanraya DAP
Saturday 16 February 2008
"If you cannot fight rape, better lay down & enjoy it!" -- BN
JUST CIRCULATE THIS, PEOPLE. LET'S EDUCATE EVERYONE
This message is to provoke your mind to think whether you want the status quo to be perpetuated. If you want to do your bit to effect a chan ge for the better, think well before you vote at the next general election.
Chances are that the B N will still win but we need to send the proper signal to Pak Lah that enough is enough....
Below is the result of extreme discriminations and marginalization by the BN govt for too many years. Let's keep circulating this esp before the next election.
And today this is what happened in Malaysia racism.
These lists cover a period of about 49 years since Independence Day in Malaysia (1957):
(1) Out of all the 5 major banks in Malaysia, only one bank is own by multi-racial, the rest are controlled by Malays.
(2) 99% of Petronas (the only one petroleum company) directors are Malays, and the former Prime Minister work as Consultant in Petronas.
(3) 3% of Petronas employees are Chinese.
(4) 99% of 2000 Petronas gasoline stations are owned by Malays.
(5) 100% all contractors working under Petronas projects must be "bumi's status" (Malay).
(6) 0% of non-Malays staffs are legally required in Malay's companies. But there must be 30% Malays staffs in Chinese companies and shareholder. Which this mean non-Malays own company needs to give their property to Malays. An d n on-Malays citizen can't really own their business.
(7) 5% of all new intake for government police, nurses, army, is non-Malays.
(8) 2% is the present Chinese staff in Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF), drop from 40% in 1960.
(9) 2% is the percentage of non-Malays government servants in Putrajaya ( Malaysia main government office). But Malays make up 98%.
(10) 7% is the percentage of Chinese government servants in the whole government (in 2004), drop from 30% in 1960. Only 2 position for non-Malays in political status.
(11) 95% of government contracts are given to Malays; even it is an open tender. Non-Malays contractors tender the lower price and use better materials can't get the contract that government given.
(12) 100% all business licenses are controlled by Malay government e.g . Taxi permits, Approved permits, etc. and all the license are given to government officer families.
(13) 80% of the Chinese rice millers in Kedah (north of peninsular Malaysia had to be sold to Malay and controlled by Bernas (Government Org.) since 1980s. Otherwise, life is make difficult for Chinese rice millers.
(14) 100 big companies set up, owned and managed by Chinese Malaysians were taken over by government, and later managed by Malays since 1970's e.g. UTC, UMBC, MISC, etc. This company now is the sole company.
(15) At least 10 Chinese owned bus companies (throughout Malaysia,throughout 40 years) had to be sold to MARA or other Malay transport companies due to rejection by Malay authority to Chinese application for bus routes and rejection for their application for new buses.
(16) 2 Chinese taxi drivers were barred from driving in Johor (South of Peninsular Malaysia ) Larkin bus station. There are about 30 taxi drivers and 3 are Chinese in October 2004. Spoiling taxi club properties was the reason given.
(17) 0 non-Malays are allowed to get shop lots in the new Muar (city in south peninsular Malaysia ) bus station (November 2004).
(18) 8000 billions ringgit is the total amount the government chan neled to Malays pockets through ASB, ASN, MARA, privatization of government agencies like Tabung Haji etc, through NEP over 34 years periods.
(19) 48 Chinese primary schools closed down since 1968 â¤" 2000
(20) 144 Tamil primary schools closed down since 1968 - 2000
(21) 2637 Malay primary schools built since 1968 - 2000
(22) 2.5% is government budget for Chinese primary schools. Tamil schools got only 1%, Malay schools got 96.5%
(23) While a Chinese parent with RM1000 salary (monthly) cannot get school-text-book-loan, and a Malay parent with RM2000 salary is eligible.
(24) 10 all public universities vice chan cellors are Malays. And politics in universities are held by Malays. If non-Malays want to form a politics parties, there is no way to get approved. (25) 5% - the government universities lecturers of non-Malay origins had been reduced from about 70% in 1965 to only 5% in 2004 with the reason Malaysia Education Ministry give full support for Malays only.
(26) Only 5% is given to non-Malays for government scholarships over 40 years.
(27) 0 Chinese or Indians were sent to Japan and Korea under "Look East Policy".
(28) 128 STPM (High Study / A Level) Chinese top students coul d n ot get into the course that they aspired i.e. Medicine and doctors (in 2004). Malays with not qualify result can get into the course.
(29) 10% place for non-bumi students for MARA science schools beginning from year 2003, but only 7% are filled. Before that it was 100% Malays.
(30) 50 cases whereby Chinese and Indian Malaysians, are beaten up in the National Service program since 2003.
(31) 25% is Malaysian Chinese population in 2004, drop from 45% since 1957 because government are not support non-Malays like government support Malays.
(32) 7% is the present Malaysian Indians population (2004), a drop from 12% since 1957.
(33) 2 millions Chinese Malaysians had emigrated to overseas since 40 years ago due to unfair politics.
(34) 0.5 million Indians Malaysians had emigrated to overseas.
(35) 3 millions Indonesians had migrated into Malaysia and became malaysian citizens with bumi's status.
(36) 600000 are the Chinese and Indians Malaysians with "red I/C" (a temporary identity card) and were rejected repeatedly when applying for citizenship for 40 years. Perhaps 60% of them had already passed away due to old age. This shows racism of how easily Indonesians got their citizenships compare with the Chinese and Indians
(37) 5% - 15% discount for a Malay to buy a house, regardless whether the Malay is rich or poor
(38) 2% is what Chinese new villages get compare with 98% of what Malays villages got for rural development budget..
(39) 50 roa d n ames (at least) had been chan ge from Chinese names to other names.
(40) 1 Dewan Gan Boon Le ong (in Malacca) was altered to other name ( e.g.Dewan Serbaguna or sort) when it was being officially used for a few days. Government tries to shun Chinese names. This racism happened in around year 2000 or sort.
(41) 0 temples/churches were built for each housing estate. But every housing estate MUST got at least one mosque/surau built.
(42) 3000 mosques/surau were built in all housing estates throughout Malaysia since 1970 with full government support. No temples, no churches are built in housing estates that supported by government.
(43) 1 Catholic Church in Shah Alam took 20 years to apply to be constructed. But told by Malay authority that it must look like a factory and can't look like a church. Still not yet approved since 2004.
(44) 1 publishing of Bible in Iban language banned (in 2002)
(45) 0 of the government TV stations (RTM1, RTM2, and TV3) have directors of non-Malays origin.
(46) 30 government produced TV dramas and films always showed that the bad guys had Chinese face, and the good guys had Malay face. You can check it out since 1970s. Recent years, this tendency becomes less.
(47) 10 times, at least, Malays (especially Umno) had threatened to massacre the Chinese Malaysians using May 13 since 1969.
(48) 20 constituencies won by DAP woul d n ot get funds from the government to develop. Or these Chinese majority constituencies would be the last to be developed
(49) 100 constituencies (parliaments and states) had been racist re-delineated so Chinese voters were diluted that Chinese candidates, particularly DAP candidates lost in election since 1970s
(50) Only 3 out of 12 human rights items are ratified by Malaysia government since 1960
(51) 0 elimination of, all forms of racial discrimination (UN Human Rights)is not ratified by Malaysia government since 1960s
(52) 20 reported cases whereby Malay ambulance attendance treated Chinese patients inhumanely, and Malay government hospital staffs purposely delay attending to Chinese patients in 2003. Unreported cases may be 200
(53) 50 cases each year whereby Chinese, especially Chinese youths being beaten up by Malay youths in public places. We may check at police reports provided the police took the report, otherwise there will be no record
(54) 20 cases every year whereby Chinese drivers who accidentally knocked down Malays were seriously assaulted or killed by Malays
(55) 12% is what ASB/ASN (Malays Own banks) got per annum while banks fixed deposit is only about 3.5% per annum.
And more cases haven't been discovered.
So please circulate this, and let's fight for changes. Together we can ensure a better future for every Malaysians.
Thank you.
This message is to provoke your mind to think whether you want the status quo to be perpetuated. If you want to do your bit to effect a chan ge for the better, think well before you vote at the next general election.
Chances are that the B N will still win but we need to send the proper signal to Pak Lah that enough is enough....
Below is the result of extreme discriminations and marginalization by the BN govt for too many years. Let's keep circulating this esp before the next election.
And today this is what happened in Malaysia racism.
These lists cover a period of about 49 years since Independence Day in Malaysia (1957):
(1) Out of all the 5 major banks in Malaysia, only one bank is own by multi-racial, the rest are controlled by Malays.
(2) 99% of Petronas (the only one petroleum company) directors are Malays, and the former Prime Minister work as Consultant in Petronas.
(3) 3% of Petronas employees are Chinese.
(4) 99% of 2000 Petronas gasoline stations are owned by Malays.
(5) 100% all contractors working under Petronas projects must be "bumi's status" (Malay).
(6) 0% of non-Malays staffs are legally required in Malay's companies. But there must be 30% Malays staffs in Chinese companies and shareholder. Which this mean non-Malays own company needs to give their property to Malays. An d n on-Malays citizen can't really own their business.
(7) 5% of all new intake for government police, nurses, army, is non-Malays.
(8) 2% is the present Chinese staff in Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF), drop from 40% in 1960.
(9) 2% is the percentage of non-Malays government servants in Putrajaya ( Malaysia main government office). But Malays make up 98%.
(10) 7% is the percentage of Chinese government servants in the whole government (in 2004), drop from 30% in 1960. Only 2 position for non-Malays in political status.
(11) 95% of government contracts are given to Malays; even it is an open tender. Non-Malays contractors tender the lower price and use better materials can't get the contract that government given.
(12) 100% all business licenses are controlled by Malay government e.g . Taxi permits, Approved permits, etc. and all the license are given to government officer families.
(13) 80% of the Chinese rice millers in Kedah (north of peninsular Malaysia had to be sold to Malay and controlled by Bernas (Government Org.) since 1980s. Otherwise, life is make difficult for Chinese rice millers.
(14) 100 big companies set up, owned and managed by Chinese Malaysians were taken over by government, and later managed by Malays since 1970's e.g. UTC, UMBC, MISC, etc. This company now is the sole company.
(15) At least 10 Chinese owned bus companies (throughout Malaysia,throughout 40 years) had to be sold to MARA or other Malay transport companies due to rejection by Malay authority to Chinese application for bus routes and rejection for their application for new buses.
(16) 2 Chinese taxi drivers were barred from driving in Johor (South of Peninsular Malaysia ) Larkin bus station. There are about 30 taxi drivers and 3 are Chinese in October 2004. Spoiling taxi club properties was the reason given.
(17) 0 non-Malays are allowed to get shop lots in the new Muar (city in south peninsular Malaysia ) bus station (November 2004).
(18) 8000 billions ringgit is the total amount the government chan neled to Malays pockets through ASB, ASN, MARA, privatization of government agencies like Tabung Haji etc, through NEP over 34 years periods.
(19) 48 Chinese primary schools closed down since 1968 â¤" 2000
(20) 144 Tamil primary schools closed down since 1968 - 2000
(21) 2637 Malay primary schools built since 1968 - 2000
(22) 2.5% is government budget for Chinese primary schools. Tamil schools got only 1%, Malay schools got 96.5%
(23) While a Chinese parent with RM1000 salary (monthly) cannot get school-text-book-loan, and a Malay parent with RM2000 salary is eligible.
(24) 10 all public universities vice chan cellors are Malays. And politics in universities are held by Malays. If non-Malays want to form a politics parties, there is no way to get approved. (25) 5% - the government universities lecturers of non-Malay origins had been reduced from about 70% in 1965 to only 5% in 2004 with the reason Malaysia Education Ministry give full support for Malays only.
(26) Only 5% is given to non-Malays for government scholarships over 40 years.
(27) 0 Chinese or Indians were sent to Japan and Korea under "Look East Policy".
(28) 128 STPM (High Study / A Level) Chinese top students coul d n ot get into the course that they aspired i.e. Medicine and doctors (in 2004). Malays with not qualify result can get into the course.
(29) 10% place for non-bumi students for MARA science schools beginning from year 2003, but only 7% are filled. Before that it was 100% Malays.
(30) 50 cases whereby Chinese and Indian Malaysians, are beaten up in the National Service program since 2003.
(31) 25% is Malaysian Chinese population in 2004, drop from 45% since 1957 because government are not support non-Malays like government support Malays.
(32) 7% is the present Malaysian Indians population (2004), a drop from 12% since 1957.
(33) 2 millions Chinese Malaysians had emigrated to overseas since 40 years ago due to unfair politics.
(34) 0.5 million Indians Malaysians had emigrated to overseas.
(35) 3 millions Indonesians had migrated into Malaysia and became malaysian citizens with bumi's status.
(36) 600000 are the Chinese and Indians Malaysians with "red I/C" (a temporary identity card) and were rejected repeatedly when applying for citizenship for 40 years. Perhaps 60% of them had already passed away due to old age. This shows racism of how easily Indonesians got their citizenships compare with the Chinese and Indians
(37) 5% - 15% discount for a Malay to buy a house, regardless whether the Malay is rich or poor
(38) 2% is what Chinese new villages get compare with 98% of what Malays villages got for rural development budget..
(39) 50 roa d n ames (at least) had been chan ge from Chinese names to other names.
(40) 1 Dewan Gan Boon Le ong (in Malacca) was altered to other name ( e.g.Dewan Serbaguna or sort) when it was being officially used for a few days. Government tries to shun Chinese names. This racism happened in around year 2000 or sort.
(41) 0 temples/churches were built for each housing estate. But every housing estate MUST got at least one mosque/surau built.
(42) 3000 mosques/surau were built in all housing estates throughout Malaysia since 1970 with full government support. No temples, no churches are built in housing estates that supported by government.
(43) 1 Catholic Church in Shah Alam took 20 years to apply to be constructed. But told by Malay authority that it must look like a factory and can't look like a church. Still not yet approved since 2004.
(44) 1 publishing of Bible in Iban language banned (in 2002)
(45) 0 of the government TV stations (RTM1, RTM2, and TV3) have directors of non-Malays origin.
(46) 30 government produced TV dramas and films always showed that the bad guys had Chinese face, and the good guys had Malay face. You can check it out since 1970s. Recent years, this tendency becomes less.
(47) 10 times, at least, Malays (especially Umno) had threatened to massacre the Chinese Malaysians using May 13 since 1969.
(48) 20 constituencies won by DAP woul d n ot get funds from the government to develop. Or these Chinese majority constituencies would be the last to be developed
(49) 100 constituencies (parliaments and states) had been racist re-delineated so Chinese voters were diluted that Chinese candidates, particularly DAP candidates lost in election since 1970s
(50) Only 3 out of 12 human rights items are ratified by Malaysia government since 1960
(51) 0 elimination of, all forms of racial discrimination (UN Human Rights)is not ratified by Malaysia government since 1960s
(52) 20 reported cases whereby Malay ambulance attendance treated Chinese patients inhumanely, and Malay government hospital staffs purposely delay attending to Chinese patients in 2003. Unreported cases may be 200
(53) 50 cases each year whereby Chinese, especially Chinese youths being beaten up by Malay youths in public places. We may check at police reports provided the police took the report, otherwise there will be no record
(54) 20 cases every year whereby Chinese drivers who accidentally knocked down Malays were seriously assaulted or killed by Malays
(55) 12% is what ASB/ASN (Malays Own banks) got per annum while banks fixed deposit is only about 3.5% per annum.
And more cases haven't been discovered.
So please circulate this, and let's fight for changes. Together we can ensure a better future for every Malaysians.
Thank you.
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